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- Sales Rank: #4541727 in Books
- Published on: 2011
- Dimensions: 8.27" h x
.39" w x
5.12" l,
- Binding: Paperback
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By mangilli-climpson m
Language: ItalianIn the 1970s Italian society was radicalised: industrial stoppages, kidnappings, and terrorism were the key words, and anyone standing firmly against such developments was instantly branded a "Fascist", or nostalgic of a long dead past. Top of the hate list among the journalists was Indro Montanelli who left the Milanese Corriere della Sera to set up il Giornale Nuovo, a paper financed by a new young housing adventurer, Silvio Berlusconi. English readers would compare Montanelli's position to Berlusconi like former Sunday Times editor Andrew Neil and Rupert Murdoch Full Disclosure. To his credit, Montanelli never wandered an inch from his plan to publish an independent daily of the liberal right, and until il Cavaliere's decision to enter politics in late 1993, once his charged protector Bettino Craxi had flown off into the Tunisian sun to Hammamet, demanding all his papers to act his mouthpieces, Montanelli had received a complete freehand to produce a respected popular paper which he thought fit. "Berlusca"'s entry into national politics thus was Indro's exit, and the start of his more independent vision as editor and founder of the Voce, and later from 1995 as letter editor in the Stanza column of the Corriere.About ten years after his death in 2001, Massimo Fini (not to be confused with his namesake, and brother of the former leader of the right-wing National Alliance party (AN), Gianfranco) compiled and edited a selection of over 40 of M's articles about B over the seven year period between 1994 and 2001. Not wishing to criticize Indro too much, he claims the old man never really understood Silvio B, nor Italian politics after the Clean hands scandal had destroyed the old Italian political system in the early 1990s - which is an Italian coded message stating that he could not agree with him completely.Before the eventual split, M had in fact known B for 20 years, and had always treated him and his father before him, as a likeable, spoilt young rogue, a liar, but who was tolerated because he was young, committed and inexperienced. Such a general opinion was accepted even by even B's first wife, Anna. Fini felt M represented an elite from an age of notables who still looked upon the vulgar nouveau riches with fun, and believed as certain individuals felt in 1922 about Mussolini that he was a harmless rough specimen who only needed some training in deportment to become acceptable and behave as himself. Though Fini admits neither M nor B had little in common, both showed elements of naïvity. In 1994 M never considered B his foe, nor a friend, but like one of two brothers moving along separate "independent" lines. Fini, instead, hints this was obviously never true for B. Like a Renaissance prince supervising over his territorial domains, the Cavaliere treats all his political, business, press, and sporting personnel in his empire as his own court hirelings and chattels to be used and discarded freely at will; so any rebuff by any junior would be treated as a personal conclusive affront. Over time M's eyes were opened wider to the realities; his tanned, smiling persuasive boy, appeared much more than met the eye as an innocent simpleton making countless politically incorrect gaffes Il giro del mondo in 80 gaffe. Barzellette, strafalcioni e sentenze di Silvio Berlusconi; for as Mussolini before him his familiar, and even face-less subordinates around him were not simply carrying out commands decided by themselves, and thus the mobsters, they were part of the chain of command leading to Arcore, near to Milan, home of B himself. Every move had to be part of a prearrange scheme, and B's professional less than innocent, calculated cunning image seemed part of the deception.As a fly observer on the wall, M was able to vouch and praise B's great skill in presenting himself in simple terms as the sole correct obvious choice of one legitimate regime against extremism, and as the victim of freedom standing up against politically biased sinister judges instruments of a corrupt system. When his coalition was overthrown in December 1994, nine months after the March elections which legitimately brought him to power the first time, B could describe it as a "coup" by the "old" left against his "new" forces.He was also able to witness B's energy and interest in politics drooping, and dropping when in opposition, as B likes to be seen exclusively as a, and the, winner; for he still can not understand that in democracies the opposition must work harder to be noticed even if it owns three national TV channels. M even stressed that despite B succeeding in portraying his successful party and his successful companies as a guide for an efficient state, he could never convince his critics and opponents that his private interests could ever be synonymous with public interests or that the economic aims of public services could be identical to private ones. For B, he continues to repeat entered politics to defend himself, while his jealous and failed opponents, meaning the Communists nurtured on class war and hatred, only intended to destroy him and his family personally, to expropriate his property, to break up his businesses, and all his lifetime achievements.M admits B always tries to put on a show to gain public sympathy for any event he normally may not even agree with; though as Tony Blair or any good actor B begins to believe in the feelings he is presenting in the performance, but does not have.M lists B's most known minions: the TV lap-dog and court-jester Emilio Fede - (meaning Faith, or the truth) acted as his master's trumpet who spouted hot air; his two intimidating rotweilers, or personal bodyguards, Giuliano Ferrara, and the art critic Vittorio Sgarbi. He describes the contradictory role of B's Forza Italia party (FI), presented as a team similar to B's successful Milan football team, while in reality it operates as a collection of individuals each nurturing their own plots, each proposing their own ideas, some in contrast with others in the party, then each denying any divisions or refusing to accept what they had just recently proposed. It reflects the absence of clear thought out ideas, which despite being "new" these individuals quickly started behaving as the "old", and for the population led to a growing disgusted consensus that nothing had changed.M speaks of B's allies: Umberto Bossi of the Northern League (LN) as coarse; he does not dispute him as a "traitor" and a "Judas" in B's defeat in 1994; but says nothing why B continued to make use of him thereafter; instead nothing gets mentioned of Gianfranco Fini, or the AN, which means M understood that for B he was controllable; he could be moved around the board safely as a pawn, or corrupted by the "corruptor" B, and he may have had a premonition of Fini's unexpected political destruction and oblivion after 2010.The one thing which M refused to believe was that B did not have any contacts with the Mafia. Perhaps that was because until then M had been distracted in other matters; perhaps he still hoped his boy's greed would not push him to go that far. But during the same parliament when M died, B changed the electoral law back to the old Proportional Representation system to obtain a complete majority in the South and Sicily where the influence of the Mafia has been limitless for generations. It did not succeed at the 2006 elections when the Centre-left Olive Tree alliance won, but it has since. The reason?Massimo Fini may not have agreed with Indro in his lifetime, and perhaps still doesn't, but he cannot dispute this book's value, because it provides another important piece of the jigsaw about Berlusconi from close at hand. The English reader coming upon journalistic jargon of the post Tangentopoli ie Bribesville / Kickback City epoch will encounter sporting terms which il Cavaliere prides himself of being a great connoisseur - including scendere in campo (take the field), and remare contro (pulling against the tide).As in the Italian title, if one listens it is possible to hear Montanelli's ghost shouting four little words , "I told you so!". It's possible we were not listening before. Perhaps no one took any notice because it was penned by old Indro, because we thought he was just another one of Silvio's boys in different clothes. We know better. And so will Silvio. Far from being a fly on the wall, M has become a fly in the ointment in Berlusconi's historical legacy, a useful weapon for today's critics, including the left - something even Indro would never have championed; something more for the sake of honesty which he should be remembered for. Ah that's what Indro would have liked!
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